The Thule Society: How Close Was Nazi Germany to an Actual Occult Movement?
Long before Munich had a Thule Society, Thule was a place somewhere beyond the familiar map.
The Greek explorer Pytheas wrote of a northern land called Thule in the fourth century BC, supposedly several days’ sailing beyond Britain. Its exact location remained uncertain, and later classical writers turned Ultima Thule into a phrase for the farthest imaginable place, somewhere at or beyond the northern limits of the known world.
That made the name unusually useful to later esoteric and nationalist imagination. Thule could be geographical without being precisely locatable, ancient without belonging clearly to one civilisation, and northern enough to become available for theories about lost ancestral homelands.
In 1918, that ancient northern name was attached to a very modern political organisation in Munich.
The Society Grew Out of the Germanenorden
The Thule Society developed from the Germanenorden, a secretive völkisch organisation that mixed German nationalism, racial ideas, lodge-like structures and esoteric elements. Germany’s Federal Agency for Civic Education describes the Thule milieu as part of a broader völkisch world in which nationalism, antisemitism, racial thinking and occult ritual overlapped rather than occupying neat separate boxes.
The man most associated with the Munich organisation was Rudolf von Sebottendorff, born Rudolf Glauer. The Historical Encyclopedia of Bavaria describes him as having spent years in the Ottoman Empire, where he became interested in esotericism and occultism before returning to Germany and becoming active in the Germanenorden. Academic research has also examined his unusual engagement with Sufism and related esoteric traditions during his years in the Ottoman world.
By August 1918, Sebottendorff had established the Thule Society in Munich as a cover organisation emerging from the Germanenorden. Its public face included the study of Germanic antiquity, but its organisational culture remained tied to the secret-society world from which it came.
So the occult element does not first appear in a postwar paperback.
It was already present at the beginning.
The Occult Lodge Met in a Luxury Hotel
The Thule Society did not gather in some ruined forest temple beneath a blood-red moon.
It met in Munich’s Hotel Vier Jahreszeiten.
Sebottendorff rented rooms there for the society, including space for what the Historical Encyclopedia of Bavaria describes as the Germanenloge, or Germanic lodge. The organisation imitated aspects of lodge structure even while presenting itself in opposition to Freemasonry. Its symbol combined a swastika with an upright sword.
The Deutsches Historisches Museum describes the society’s worldview as combining prewar völkisch traditions with occult-pagan racial ideas, expressed politically through antirepublican agitation and antisemitic propaganda. Germany’s Federal Agency for Civic Education likewise refers to the Thule Society as a Germanenorden with secret occult rituals.
This is where the question becomes more interesting than simply asking whether the Nazis “believed in magic.”
The Thule Society was not an occult group that happened to discuss politics occasionally. Nor was it simply a political club decorated with a few antique symbols.
Its political and esoteric ideas were already intertwined.
What did its members believe those rituals and symbols were doing?
Were they ceremonial expressions of racial ideology, actual spiritual practices, methods of creating internal loyalty, or all of those at once?
Then the German Monarchy Collapsed
The timing could hardly have been more volatile.
Germany lost the First World War in November 1918. The Kaiser abdicated. Revolution spread through German cities, and Bavaria became one of the most unstable political regions in the country.
Munich moved through revolution, socialist government and eventually the Bavarian Soviet Republic. The Thule Society responded by becoming directly involved in counterrevolutionary politics. The Historical Encyclopedia of Bavaria describes the creation of a Kampfbund Thule, a militant arm of the organisation, as well as attempted coups, intelligence gathering, infiltration of revolutionary organisations and cooperation with counterrevolutionary forces.
This is an important point in the Thule story because the society moved beyond ideas, lectures and ritual.
It developed operational political activity.
Members gathered intelligence, forged revolutionary documents and infiltrated communist organisations. Information was passed to the anti-revolutionary Bavarian government outside Munich.
A society named after a legendary northern land had become an intelligence network inside a German civil conflict.
Human history occasionally has no respect for genre boundaries.
Seven Thule Members Were Executed
In April 1919, forces of the Bavarian Soviet Republic raided the Thule Society’s rooms at the Hotel Vier Jahreszeiten and arrested a number of people.
Seven active Thule members were subsequently executed on 30 April at the Luitpold Gymnasium. The killings occurred immediately before government troops and Freikorps forces retook Munich, and the deaths became politically potent in the counterrevolutionary aftermath.
Sebottendorff later presented the dead as martyrs of the movement. The episode helped bind the society’s symbolic language to actual bloodshed and political struggle.
By this point, asking whether Thule was merely an occult discussion circle becomes rather difficult.
It possessed rituals and esoteric symbolism, but it also possessed political networks, a militant wing, intelligence operations and dead members.
Then it helped create a political party.
The German Workers’ Party Emerged From the Same Milieu
On 5 January 1919, Anton Drexler and Karl Harrer founded the German Workers’ Party, the Deutsche Arbeiterpartei or DAP.
Harrer was closely associated with the Thule Society, and German historical sources describe Thule as having actively encouraged the creation of workers’ political circles that led into the DAP. The Historical Encyclopedia of Bavaria goes further, describing the society as providing direct assistance to the new party while keeping that connection tactically understated.
In September 1919, Adolf Hitler attended a DAP meeting while working in a political intelligence role for the Reichswehr. He soon joined the party, became its dominant speaker and eventually transformed it into the National Socialist German Workers’ Party, the NSDAP.
This gives the Thule Society a genuine place in the prehistory of National Socialism.
But the exact nature of that place needs to be kept precise.
The DAP emerged from the same Munich völkisch environment, included Thule-linked figures and received support from the society. That does not automatically make every later action of the NSDAP an extension of Thule doctrine.
How much ideological continuity existed, and how much did Hitler reshape the movement after entering it?
That is where the simple secret-society genealogy begins to become messy.
Thule Also Owned the Newspaper That Became the Nazi Party’s Voice
The connection becomes even more tangible through the press.
The Thule Society acquired the Münchener Beobachter in 1918. In August 1919 the paper became the Völkischer Beobachter, and in December 1920 it passed into the hands of the NSDAP. It eventually became the Nazi Party’s principal newspaper.
So an institution associated with Germanic antiquity, occult ritual and counterrevolutionary politics also owned the newspaper that would become the central printed voice of Hitler’s party.
That is not a metaphysical connection.
It is an organisational one.
The more difficult question is whether the newspaper carried an occult worldview forward with it, or whether the continuity lay mainly in nationalism, racism, antisemitism and antidemocratic politics.
The paper changed ownership.
Did the hidden cosmology travel with it?
Some Future Nazis Passed Through Thule’s Orbit
Several people later associated with the Nazi movement appear in the Thule Society’s records either as members, participants or guests.
German archival and historical sources identify Rudolf Hess and Hans Frank as members. Dietrich Eckart, Gottfried Feder and Alfred Rosenberg were also connected with the society’s wider social and political environment, although membership lists and later retellings do not always agree on exactly who formally belonged and who merely appeared at meetings or events.
That distinction matters.
A secret-society narrative becomes much more dramatic if every famous Nazi can be placed around the same ritual table. The surviving record is less tidy. Some were members, others guests, others moved through the same Munich nationalist circles without a clearly established formal role in Thule.
What about Hitler himself?
Later literature frequently places him directly inside the society. Research using the meeting records and Johannes Hering’s history of the organisation has not produced a clear record of Hitler attending Thule meetings, while Sebottendorff himself later made broader claims about Thule’s role in preparing the ground for Hitler.
Once again, the chronology is more interesting than a simple yes or no.
Hitler entered a political movement that had emerged partly through Thule-linked networks.
That is not quite the same thing as Hitler being initiated into Thule.
Sebottendorff Later Claimed Thule Had Prepared the Way
In 1933, after Hitler came to power, Sebottendorff returned to Germany and published Bevor Hitler kam, or Before Hitler Came.
The book presented the Thule Society as an important precursor to National Socialism and explicitly traced its role through the revolutionary years and the creation of political organisations around it. The manuscript itself survives in German archival collections.
The timing is revealing.
Sebottendorff was effectively saying that before the NSDAP became a mass movement, Thule had already built part of its political environment.
Yet his attempt to claim that inheritance did not lead to a triumphant restoration of the society. The Historical Encyclopedia of Bavaria records that Sebottendorff soon fell out of favour and was expelled from Germany in 1934. By then the original Thule Society had already lost most of its earlier importance.
So the organisation most frequently portrayed as the hidden occult command centre behind the Third Reich was already fading before Hitler took national power.
That creates another obvious question.
Did Thule disappear because its work had been absorbed into something larger, or because the political movement that followed it no longer needed the organisation itself?
The Occult Story Became Larger Afterward
The later Thule narrative grew far beyond the Munich society of 1918 and 1919.
Postwar literature increasingly connected Thule with Vril, Atlantis, hidden Aryan civilisations, Tibet, secret technologies and eventually Nazi flying saucers. By the second half of the twentieth century, “Thule” could refer not merely to Sebottendorff’s political-esoteric society but to an entire hidden cosmology supposedly operating behind National Socialism. Academic studies of Nazi occultism have examined how these later narratives combined genuine esoteric currents with much larger retrospective systems.
Some of those additions draw upon themes that were already present around völkisch occultism: northern origins, Germanic mythology, secret orders, racial ancestry and symbolic ritual.
Others become much more visible only in later decades.
That does not make the later material irrelevant.
It gives us another historical layer to investigate.
When does Thule stop being the name of a Munich organisation and become the name of an invisible civilisation, source of Vril power or occult command structure?
How Occult Was the Beginning of Nazism?
The simplest version of the story usually forces an unnecessary choice.
Either Nazism was secretly created by occult magicians, or the occult material was irrelevant decoration.
The Thule Society sits awkwardly between those options.
It had an identifiable organisation, meeting rooms, membership, a newspaper, a militant wing and political operations. Historical institutions explicitly describe secret occult rituals and occult-pagan racial ideas within its worldview. Its leader had a substantial personal interest in esoteric practice. The society supported the political milieu from which the DAP emerged and provided a meeting point for several people later associated with National Socialism.
At the same time, the political movement that became the NSDAP quickly developed beyond the society, and Thule itself declined during the 1920s.
That leaves us with a more interesting possibility than either extreme.
Perhaps the important question is not whether Hitler secretly took orders from an occult lodge.
Perhaps it is whether early twentieth-century Germany contained political movements in which racial ideology, mythology, secret-society structure, ancestral religion and revolutionary politics were already capable of occupying the same room without anyone finding the combination unusual.
Because in Munich in 1918, they quite literally did.
The room happened to be inside the Hotel Vier Jahreszeiten.
And from that room ran connections into political organisations, newspapers and people who would soon become part of something much larger.
How much of Thule survived inside that later movement is precisely where the historical trail becomes worth following.




